Judicial Selection Coalition

The National Bureau of Statistics had reported a 7.2 percent GDP growth for the third quarter of this year (July – September), suggesting a healthy economy. But to Isaac Aluko-Olokun, former minister of national planning, giving the depression in the oil sector characterized by low oil output, credit squeeze in the banking sector, the comatose nature of the manufacturing sector and even government’s acknowledgement that budget implementation for the last quarter was below 50 percent, NBS’ report is at variance with economic fundamentals.

A lecturer in the department of economics, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Jude Chukwu, said NBS and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) are institutions where secondary data in the economy are domiciled. In his view, the Q3 GDP must have been computed based on figures from previous quarter and years. “All we can do is to use the figures they generate and quote them”. Chukwu stated. However, he said if the NBS figures are to be criticized, alternative ones should be sourced from other bodies. In the absence of alternative data, Chukwu said improve in poverty and the incidence of low per capital income in the economy cast doubt on the NBS report. For Ogho Okiti, Chief economist of Company Day, the 7.2 percent GDP growth rate for the third quarter may have been computed from the standpoint of a growth recorded, for instance, in the oil section which has suffered negative growth since 2005, and now being helped by amnesty.

ODI STRUGGLES TO HEAL SCARS OF MASSACRE AMIDST AMNESTY ‘Post invasion trauma is still unquantifiable’ According to Charles Ike-Okoh – report Monday 09 November, 2009, on Organization DAY. The every day life of hundreds of Odi individuals 10 years after the military slaughtered estimated thousands of its citizen is epitomized by anger, hate, mistrust, prejudice and little support from the government. Odi people had been retiring to their homes when it all went sour on November 20, 1999. The precise number of men and women killed has not been determined and may possibly never be recognized, but estimates range between 2,000 to three,000 ladies, men and kids with over 5,000 houses destroyed. There were non-indigenes too. Today, the trauma is aggravated by the absence of a procedure that may possibly help the surviving victims of the killing move forward. Moreover, the stigma of what happened and the vulnerability of the individuals to poverty which sees them appear accountable for what happened to them and not as victim have forced even their leaders to abandon any pursuit of justice.

Two competing versions of history have been at stake from the 1st day – 1 which says the Odi people were victims of genocide and the other, from the government which said then that only 42 men and women were killed in the town – but the reality remains that families lost dear ones on that faithful dau. Ten years on, the town asks itself, what was it all for, what does it mean, all the suffering and all the lossess? The anniversary itself was muted and, aptly falling within the period the Federal Government amnesty was winding down. But it is not surprising – there is still too significantly to mourn, and too little to celebrate in the killing’ aftermath. “The post invasion trauma is still unquantifiable” says Asambga. “The trauma is even compounded by the failed promises. Nobody is talking about all the claims they asked us to put forward anymore”

. But what does the amnesty mean for them? Not surprising, they are confused about its true intention. “Beyond the amnesty, what are they ready to do?” queries Asambga. What the Federal Government has in stock is still unclear. What of our town that was destroyed and the folks killed? Are they saying we ought to just forgive them? The question is amnesty for who by who and for what?” The invasion lasted for some couple of hours. Quite a few of the houses still remain flattened, overgrown by weeds, some have been replaced by new structures. But the town on this day appears deserted. Along the winding tarred roads leading to the town, not significantly of organization activity was going on, only a couple of shops and shop owners sitting solemnly beside their wares. But they say they are at peace.

BIND RULERS TO THE RULE OF LAW According to KOFI ANAN In all the understandable attention given to the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, there is a risk that yet another critical anniversary will be overlooked. Sixty years ago, the Geneva Conventions had been signed, giving force to a simple but enduring thought – the belief that we must do every thing we can to decrease human suffering in war: But although the Conventions have been a remarkable force for excellent, this commemoration need to galvanise us to do a lot more to protect people. Around the world, we see continued evidence of the callous inhumanity of those waging war. In the Demacratic Republic of Congo, for example, militias and soldiers are carrying out mass killing and rape. In Sri Lanka, thousands of civilians were killed in the fighting between the Sri Lankan Army and the Tamil Tigers. Several far more remain interned in camps. The people of Somalia are once once more caught between the guns of rival militias and foreign forces. And, of course, the terrible tragedy of Darfur continues. We also see in quite a few parts of the world, terrorists deliberately detonating bombs to kill hundreds of civilians. The state response too typically is indiscriminate attacks and the abuse of detainees. There are some who claim that the blame for this inhumanity lies, in component, with the failure of international law.

It is not international laws that are to blame for the continuing death and destruction in our world but that leaders deliberately disregard them. And they will continue to ignore these rules as long as they believe they can get away with it. The challenge is to alter the balance of the calculation they make. All alleged breaches of international humanitarian law, wherever they take place, ought to be formally investigated, and we mustn’t let states – especially powerful ones – dismiss or ignore the resulting reports, as we have seen recently with the Goldstone report. We then have to take bold steps to ensure those discovered responsible, whoever they may be, are held to account. National and international human rights groups work tirelessly and with courage to expose abuses. But no matter how thorough their investigations and indisputable the evidence, their reports are too often and too quickly dismissed and discredited.

While civil society plays an critical role, they can only do so a lot. I believe we need to now take into account activating formal permanent bodies to monitor and report on the widespread breach of human rights and humanitarian principles in armed conflicts – bodies already provided for under international law. These investigations must be triggered automatically whenever armed conflict arises just as the United Nation’s relief agencies respond automatically to major humanitarian catastrophes. This will only work, even so, if all countries believe they will be fairly treated. The accusation that powerful states avoid scrutiny, whilst those with much less influence and fewer friends attract it too readily, can’t be brushed aside. There has been, and continues to be, selectivity in who is investigated and acted upon, even when formal reports are prepared and abuses are well documented. International bodies, initial and foremost the Security Council, should redress this bias to restore trust in their authority.

But although exposing abuses is crucial, it is only the first step in changing behaviour and improving protection for civilians. We also want to guarantee that there is a significantly stronger link between committing a crime and the likelihood of punishment.  We have seen the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and international criminal tribunals set up to punish genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. International justice is also at work, alongside national judicial system, in Cambodia and Sierra Leone. National courts are increasingly ready to hold to account those responsible for flouting the protections of the Geneva Conventions and human rights standards no matter where the crime was committed. Amnesty laws that shield war criminals are being overturned by courts. International justice has gone from an abstract concept to a reality. Impunity is in retreat. But the battle is far from over. Some of the world’s most powerful countries have not ratified the ICC statute. Numerous who have are still not living up to their obligations.

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